Latest Article
 

Two Views Of Economic Voting Prospective And Retrospective

Macroeconomic voting divides naturally into two main views defined by voters’ time horizons: prospective and retrospective. In the prospective view, the expected future relative performance of contestants for office is all that matters. Prospective valuation is akin to the pricing of financial assets in efficient markets: The parties’ stock of votes at elections (current asset values) is determined completely by rationally formed expectations of future benefits, calibrated in units of voter utility. Hence electoral choice is a political investment in the future to which a party’s (candidate’s, political bloc’s) past performance per se has no relevanceAs Downs put it: “Each citizen . . . votes for the party he believes will provide him with higher utility than any other party during the coming electoral period” (1957, 38). By contrast, under pure retrospective voting, elections are referenda on the governing party’s performance in office. Voters reward “good” performance and punish “bad” performance. In the words of the original proponent of retrospective voting assessments, V. O.
     Key: “Voters may reject what they have known; or they may approve what they have known. They are not likely to be attracted in great numbers by promises of the novel or unknown” (1966, 61). For retrospective voters, bygones are never bygones (as they are under a purely forward-looking orientation), but rather comprise the driving force of political valuation and electoral choice.8 In the generation since the rational expectations revolution in economic theory, with its strong and often compelling emphasis on forward-looking behavior, pure retrospective voting frequently has been described as naive and irrational. Those characterizations have a certain normative, even messianic quality about them, but from a positive point of view are misguided. Building on a germinal paper of Barro (1973), Ferejohn (1986) constructed a well-known micro-founded model of Key’s main arguments, with aggregate implications that have received much stronger support in data than prospective voting models. The central idea is that the electorate stands in a principal–agent relation to the incumbent party.
     Voters settle up with their agents by evaluating performance ex post for much the same reason—moral hazard—that insurance premiums are typically experience rated and that compensation of top corporate executives is generally heavily dependent upon past increases in share prices. Under pure retrospective valuation, promises to do better in the future are discounted completely, and exert no influence on voting choices. Instead, retrospective theory emphasizes the efficiency of inducing governing parties always to do their best in certain knowledge that voting settlements will be based on observed outcomes over the term, no matter how attractive are (inherently unenforceable) commitments to improve in the future. Opposition parties merely function as replacements on occasions when incumbents do not satisfy a fixed, attainable standard of performance. In order for the underlying micro model to pass through, voters must react to macroeconomic performance, rather than to individual benefits (“sociotropic” voting), which in turn presumes implicit coordination among voters (and perhaps among party agents as well) in application of collectivist or utilitarian valuation standards.9 If voting behavior were individualistic (“egotropic”), incumbents could pursue a divide and rule strategy by exploiting distributive conflicts in the electorate, and thereby mitigate, or perhaps avoid completely, the discipline of having to satisfy a minimal standard of macroeconomic performance augmenting aggregate welfare. A further implication of a principal–agent motivation of retrospective voting, though not a strict requirement, is that the electorate should evaluate performance over the incumbent’s entire term of office, with little or no backward time discounting of performance outcomes..
 

Share/Bookmark

The International Political Economy Of Exchange Rate Policy

International monetary regimes tend toward one of two ideal types. The first is a fixed rate system, in which currencies are tied to each other at publicly announced rates. Some fixed rate systems involve a common link to a commodity such as gold or silver; others peg to a national currency such as...

more »
 

The Domestic Political Economy Of Exchange Rate Policy

Political factors within nations give rise to two basic types of pressures for—or against—coordination and cooperation in the international arena. On the one hand, exchange rate policies involve trade-offs with domestic distributional implications. International coordination or cooperation may n...

more »
 

Precursors For The Contemporary Literature

In a seminal article, Przeworski and Wallerstein (1982) give a simple answer to the question of why the poor don’t soak the rich. Any attempt at radical redistribution, or socialism, they argue, would be met by massive disinvestment and possibly violence by the upper classes. So even if the poor w...

more »
 

Democracy And Partisanship

Median voter models are very simple to use, but as the Robin Hood paradox suggests, they do not provide much leverage on explaining the observed variance in redistributive politics. Power resources theory points to one potential source of such variation that has been subject to much research: govern...

more »
 

Multiple Dimensions And Coalitional Politics

As noted in the introduction, distributive politics is inherently multidimensional because a pie can be divided along as many dimensions as there are political agents vying for a piece. It is therefore hard to understand why politicians should constrain themselves to contest a single policy instrume...

more »